GG News Bureau
New Delhi, 17th Aug. For a long time, India’s geographical region of Kashmir has been a delicate topic between India and Pakistan. But the searing question that never goes away is, “Why?” A country that can’t even put its own financial house in order and is continually reliant on inherited riches from countries all over the world to stay afloat comes out every now and then with bottomless hypocrisy, professing its sovereignty over India’s territorial vastness. What irony!
As the twentieth century came to a close and both India and Pakistan performed nuclear tests in quick succession, tensions reached a fever pitch. In the month of May, twenty-four years ago, India and Pakistan disclosed their nuclear weapons capacity to the world. Surprisingly, less than a year after their tests, both countries signed the Lahore Memorandum of Understanding in order to strengthen mutual confidence in a conflict-prone region and allay world anxieties.
Samjhauta Varta: the event that proven Pakistan’s tradition of muffled promises
In light of the geopolitical context surrounding India, the respected statesman and former Prime Minister of the country, Sri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, wished to clear the air and engage in beneficial discourse with our neighbouring countries and participated in “Samjhauta Varta.”
Among those who joined Atal Ji at the meeting were the famous Dev Anand, cricketing icon Kapil Dev, and the inimitable Shatrughan Sinha, to name a few.
The gathering began with resounding cheers and a warm welcome for Atal Ji in Lahore, and Atal Ji wasted no time in expressing his heartfelt sentiment about the term, saying, “I come bearing the goodwill and hope of my fellow Indians, who yearn for lasting peace and amity with our neighbour Pakistan.” “This, I know, is a defining moment in the history of South Asia,” he said, “and I remained sanguine that we would rise to the occasion.”
In a rare moment of accord, both countries agreed to take steps to reduce the risks of unintended or criminal use of nuclear weapons. Nonetheless, the smiling expression on Atal Ji’s face in the photograph was to be fleeting.
Lahore Agreement: From Samjhauta to Kargil
The Lahore MoU also commits both parties to upholding their unilateral nuclear testing embargo. Although this understanding has persisted thus far, a formal agreement formalising this commitment cannot be envisioned without including China, India’s primary nuclear concern. This dynamic can be seen in Pakistan’s explicit desire for an agreement to solidify the moratorium, but India’s refusal to contemplate it. China has always played a significant role in the subcontinent’s nuclear dynamics, but it was not a signatory to the Lahore MoU.
However, Indian academics have claimed that a nuclear taboo still exists in South Asia to some extent, arguing against allegations that it is under increased stress in the region. As a result, the undeclared “no more testing” policy may be aided by either state’s wish not to proliferate vertically.
The Lahore MoU also asked for an agreement to prevent maritime mishaps and ensure the safe navigation of naval vessels and aircraft. In response, the Stimson Centre in the United States issued a paper outlining methods that may augment this through marine CBMs, such as the development of marine Risk Reduction Centres (MRRCs) for exchanging information on issues such as maritime boundary violations and firing tests.
Furthermore, it was suggested that such MRRCs be integrated into larger Nuclear Risk Reduction Centres.
Unlike sections two and three, however, the maritime element of the MoU never resulted in a formal agreement. The NRRC, which has earned support from strategic experts on both sides, is still up in the air. Pakistan arrested 31 Indian fishermen in February on suspicion of invading its exclusive economic zone.
A marine agreement based on the MoU would assist both governments’ naval forces in dealing with local day-to-day problems. The logic is comparable to the few but critical Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) that exist at the Line of Control (and which also need to be formalised). The pact would not only strengthen specific measures, such as the 2008 pact on Consular Access to assist imprisoned fishermen, but would also help establish stakes for the resolution of the two countries’ broader political issues.
Pakistan launched a perilous attack on the crucial heights of Kargil in Jammu and Kashmir in the months that followed, using its fighters to devastating effect. The architect behind this treachery was subsequently revealed to be none other than the cunning General Pervez Musharraf. Even Nawaz Sharif had to admit later that “certain generals had recklessly hurled Pakistan into this conflict.”
The Indians became aware of the entrance of Pakistani forces into their area because local cowboys alerted them about it. Patrol parties were initially dispatched under the mistaken belief that the invaders were Mujahideen. Captain Saurabh Kalia and his companions, however, were arrested and subjected to horrible acts of barbarism that challenged any sense of humanity.
Two intrepid Indian Air Force pilots, Ajay Ahuja and K. Nachiket, travelled into Pakistan in a valiant effort to seek and rescue their dead teammates. They were quickly apprehended, and it became clear to Indian security personnel that the scenario was loaded with danger and uncertainty.
When the then-Army Chief Ved Prakash Malik learned of the critical situation, he sought an audience with then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. After carefully evaluating the gravity of the situation, Atal Ji authorised the Indian army to pursue and eject the intruders from Indian land.
Regardless of the probable geopolitical consequences of his decision, Atal Ji remained unwavering in his determination to maintain his country’s sovereignty and security. Even in the face of enormous obstacles, he refused to compromise on his essential values as a genuine statesman.
Pervez Musharraf: A Man of Infamy
Pervez Musharraf was the brains behind various diabolical plots aimed at destabilising India during his tenure as Pakistan’s Army Chief. Most notably, he oversaw the Kargil battle, in which Pakistan attempted an audacious attack on Indian soil. Such was his deception that even then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was kept in the dark about his belligerence, something Sharif himself vehemently denied on multiple occasions. In essence, Musharraf appears to have pursued his personal agenda, oblivious to the consequences for the country as a whole.
With the gallant efforts of India’s brave warriors who gave their lives during the Kargil conflict, the war ended in a humiliating defeat for Pakistan. Unfortunately, the war had a negative impact on the Lahore Agreement, forcing it to disintegrate and become a footnote in history. It served as a gloomy reminder to India that no matter how many gestures of collaboration and peace we make, the Pakistani army will remain impervious to change. As a result, Pakistan’s Na-PAK has repeatedly demonstrated its unwillingness to negotiate with India.
However, the narrative did not end there. Pakistan had another era of political turbulence in the aftermath of the Kargil conflict. Pervez Musharraf blamed India’s humiliating defeat on then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s failings. This triggered a chain of events that culminated in the implementation of martial law in Pakistan in 1999 and the subsequent removal of Prime Minister Sharif from power. Musharraf ascended to the presidency of Pakistan, solidifying his authority over the country with a flagrant display of abuse of power. Such a stunning turn of events demonstrated the ruthlessness of power contests and the extent to which some cheap esters will go to obtain control of government.
A look back at SAARC 2002
There is a popular story that is routinely told in the upper echelons of geopolitical circles in both India and Pakistan. General Pervez Musharraf presided over the proceedings as the distinguished President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan during the SAARC conference in Nepal in 2002. In a moment of tremendous magnanimity, he took the rostrum and delivered a speech that reverberated throughout the corridors of diplomacy, urging a renewed spirit of amity and cordiality between his country and its long-time opponent, India. The man’s statements were so ironic that irony would have perished many times over.
Following Musharraf’s disingenuous statement, India’s then-Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, mounted the dais with a smile and extended his hand in a gesture of goodwill to the esteemed General Pervez Musharraf.
The audience fell silent as Musharraf paused for a while, his hands quivering with a tangible sense of dread. It was a heart-breaking reminder of a period when man had become the cause of the two nations becoming entangled in a violent struggle that had left wounds that had yet to heal. Nonetheless, Atal Ji took Musharraf’s hand in his, sealing the moment with a tacit pledge of hope and reconciliation.
The significance of the 1999 Lahore MoU cannot be emphasised. Even after two decades, it has the ability to serve as a foundation document for future accords, removing much of the diplomatic heavy lifting required to identify areas where CBMs can be created. It only requires political resolve to realise its full potential. Fortunately, and sadly, the Lahore MoU is still “forward-looking.”
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