On the occasion of BR Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, Prime Minister Modi pays tribute to him

*Paromita Das

Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid tribute to B R Ambedkar, the key architect of India’s Constitution, on Thursday, saying he made indelible contributions to the country’s progress.

Ambedkar, who was born in Maharashtra in 1891 to a Dalit family, was a jurist and economist who were instrumental in India’s freedom movement.
Ambedkar advocated for the Dalit community, which faced widespread discrimination. He was also the country’s first law minister.

“On the occasion of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Jayanti, tributes have been paid to him. He has made indelible contributions to the advancement of India. This is a day to reaffirm our commitment to realising his dreams for our country “Modi stated this in a tweet.
Rahul Gandhi pays tribute to Ambedkar, claiming that he provided India with its strongest pillar of strength.

Rahul Gandhi, the Congress leader, paid tribute to B R Ambedkar on his birth anniversary on Thursday, saying he gave India its strongest pillar of strength, the Constitution.
Ambedkar, a key architect of India’s Constitution, is regarded as an icon, particularly among Dalits, for his tireless work for social reforms and the empowerment of the disadvantaged sections of society.

“On the 131st anniversary of his birth, my tributes to Babasaheb Dr BR Ambedkar, who gave India its strongest pillar of strength – our sacred Constitution,” Gandhi said in a tweet.
The Congress said on its official Twitter account that Babasaheb Ambedkar is still a champion of equality, human rights, and social justice.

“His life and actions have served as an inspiration to millions of people around the world. On the occasion of his birth anniversary, we commemorate the legacy of the man who gave India its Constitution “the party stated

Ambedkar was India’s first law minister, having been born in 1891. In 1990, he was awarded the Bharat Ratna, India’s highest civilian honour.

During those decades, India evolved into an independent, sovereign republic, with a new constitution enacted in 1950.

Politically, it was also a pivotal time for Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the Dalit-Bahujan movements throughout India. During this time, Ambedkar’s contributions to a growing India received a lot of attention.
His influence was not limited to inaugurating the newly established state’s constitutional edifice. But it was also significant in providing the oppressed masses with a new social-political vocabulary.

Ambedkar’s efforts to resurrect Buddhism also occurred during this time period. His conversion to Buddhism was more than just a religious renunciation; it was a political act intended to provide Dalits with a new identity in the changing socio-political landscape. Although the conversion experiment was initially limited to Maharashtra, its significance grew beyond the state in later years.

Apart from Buddhism and constitution-making, Ambedkar spent the 1940s and 1950s exploring the possibility of forming political alliances with various political groups across India. His previous experiences with such alliances were mixed. It resulted in complete failure at times, but it also helped him to think creatively about possibilities beyond Dalits. It opened up new avenues for political engagement for Ambedkar and prompted him to consider the possibility of constructing a comprehensive political platform that could lead to the inclusion of various social groups.
Throughout his public life, despite his contentious interventions and radical articulations on caste, Hinduism, and the Congress, Ambedkar was able to galvanize the support of various social and political groups.

His strong ties to mass activism, as well as his profound commitment to the cause, drew the attention of various social and political groups at the time. His political alliance-building strategies were never based on compromising with the core of his political ideas.
As a result, despite his post-independence association with the Congress government as the law minister and chief draughtsman of the constitution, he was able to distance himself from power.

He was the first minister in Nehru’s cabinet to refuse the official ‘VIP’ car that was assigned to cabinet ministers. In response to a question about his decision to join Nehru’s cabinet, he stated in an interview with a Marathi newspaper that his association with Congress was not based on ideological brotherhood or friendship. He went on to say that his decision to join the cabinet was influenced primarily by the historical significance of the occasion – the transfer of power – which he couldn’t afford to miss.
But he made it clear that he was not bound by any party protocols or discipline because he was not a member of Congress, and that he would never be enticed by the entrapments of power associated with Congress.

In fact, he made it clear in this interview that his long-held opinion of Congress had not changed. In an address to Congress’s socialist supporters, he urged them to abandon their attachment to the ruling party and instead focus on establishing a separate political organization that would serve the working classes, peasants, and laboring masses.

Thus, Ambedkar’s association with Congress in the 1940s reflects his willingness to elevate his politics above immediate caste and sectarian interests without losing its radical core.
In his party manifesto, published on the eve of the first general elections in 1952, he expressed his strong opposition to Hindu nationalism’s sectarian politics. Simultaneously, the party manifesto had clearly positioned itself against the politics of Congress.

On the other hand, despite his reservations, he had formed friendships with like-minded political groups such as socialists and non-Brahmins. The decade of the 1950s brought them together as a result of a long association with these groups.

His alliance strategies never helped his political party achieve successful electoral results, particularly in the first general elections in 1952. Nonetheless, it emphasizes his alliance pragmatism and conspicuous clarity about who not to ally with.
He had stated in one of his speeches to the Bombay Legislative Council in 1939:

‘Whenever there is a conflict of interest between the country and the untouchables, in my opinion, the untouchables’ interests will take precedence over the country’s interests.’ I will not support a tyrannical majority simply because it speaks in the name of the country. When it comes to the country and myself, the country will take precedence; when it comes to the country and the Depressed Classes, the Depressed Classes will take precedence – the country will not.’
Ambedkar had developed a strong interest in Marx’s philosophy and works, but he was also wary of its application in India. His criticism of the communist movement was also based on its apathy toward the caste issue.

From the start, communist politics placed a greater emphasis on class-based politics, ignoring a dominant social reality in India. Ambedkar predicted that the communist movement in India would eventually fail because it was led by ‘a bunch of Brahmins’ rather than oppressed groups.
The communist party based in Bombay, on the other hand, had been vehemently critical of Ambedkar’s politics since the late 1920s. He was frequently mocked by the union’s leadership as a strikebreaker and sectarian leader. It frequently resulted in uncomfortable tensions between communist groups and Ambedkarite supporters throughout Bombay. However, there are references to Ambedkar’s collaboration with many communist activists and leaders in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. In the 1950s, Ambedkar and communists re-united on the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti, a single and formidable anti-Congress political platform.

However, since the late 1940s, many non-Brahmin, socialist activists and leaders from western India and elsewhere have lived in close proximity to Ambedkar.

Shankarrao More, Keshav Sitaram Thackeray, Pralhad Keshav Atre, Pandhurang Sadashiv Sane (also known as Sane Guruji), S.M. Joshi, and Ram Manohar Lohiya were among them.
Ambedkar had a long history of working with non-Brahmin groups. He had repeatedly claimed that Mahatma Phule and his non-Brahmin movement had influenced his work. In contrast, friendships with socialists grew in the late 1930s and early 1940s. When Ambedkar’s party, the Scheduled Caste Federation, joined forces with the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti, an organizational collective that advocated and successfully led a movement for the creation of a united Maharashtra state, it went beyond the electoral equation.

Socialists, communists, and non-Brahmin groups dominated the Samiti. Ambedkar was invited to lead the Samiti by K.S. Thackeray, a prominent non-Brahmin thinker.
He was initially hesitant, but eventually decided to join forces with a rapidly emerging oppositional political voice in the province that could challenge the powerful Congress hegemony.

Is India still on the lookout for Ambedkar?
Thus, Ambedkar’s politics were shaped as much by his powerful leadership as by his choice of allies. His alliance with various socio-political groups and organizations reflects his desire to foreground progressive and inclusive politics in order to pave the way for alternative political possibilities. In contrast, he had maintained his staunch opposition to sectarian and fanatical organizations, indicating his strong rejection of those forces.

Ambedkar and his movement had an unspoken understanding of who to support. This also reflects their pragmatic approach to politics, particularly in light of the political realities of the time.

One of his newspaper readers once suggested that a minimum eligibility criterion – anyone who does not believe in the Varna system – be invoked for people seeking to participate in the Mahad Satyagraha.

Ambedkar responded by arguing that, while he firmly believed in these ideals, they should not be imposed at this time. He went on to say that such an imposition could have an impact on the Mahad movement’s outcome. His criteria for selecting a political ally, on the other hand, were solely based on the prospective partner’s credentials in terms of equality, democracy, and social justice.
His desire to persuade prominent Marathi intellectuals to join his political outfit, the Republican Party of India, revealed a lot about the criteria he used to select his allies. Author supplied photo

His desire to ally with Ram Manohar Lohia, or to persuade prominent Marathi intellectuals and public figures such as P.K. Atre to join his political outfit, Republican Party of India, revealed a lot about the criteria he used to select his allies. His immediate alliance with Congress was based solely on his belief in transforming this opportunity to realize his socio-political vision.
Despite being an outspoken opponent of Congress, he recognized the significance of the opportunity and his critical role in shaping a modern and independent India. This opportunity resulted in the constitution, which envisioned the ideals of equality, liberty, and fraternity. His strong desire to pass the Hindu Code Bill reflected how he wished to use his position as a minister.